NOTES

1. On the back side of the letter, two notations, apparently written by Henry's sister Nancy, confirm that Henry copied his teacher's prose. One reads, "The first letter ever written by Jos. Henry and an exact copy of one written by the learned pedagogue who had then the care of his education." Another notes, "The first scrawl of Jos. Henry being an exact copy of a letter written by Israel Phelps Schoolmaster Galway Saratoga Co." We believe the letter remained in the family papers and was transferred to the Smithsonian when Henry's daughter Mary was collecting her father's papers. [Return to text.]

2. Henry's retained copy of this letter, dated one day earlier, is in the Smithsonian Archives. It has been printed in Nathan Reingold, ed., Science in Nineteenth-Century America: A Documentary History (Chicago, 1985), p. 65; quotation in headnote ("atom smashers") is from p. 63. Silliman (1779-1864) was professor of chemistry and natural history at Yale and editor of the American Journal of Science. Dictionary of American Biography. [Return to text.]

3. Gerrit Moll, "Electro-Magnetic Experiments (Formation of Powerful Magnets by Galvanism)," Edinburgh Journal of Science, 1830, 3: 209-218. Moll (1785-1838) was a Dutch physicist at the University of Utrecht. J. C. Poggendorff, compiler, Biographisch-Literarisches Handwörterbuch Zur Geschichte Der Exacten Wissenschaften. Reingold, Science in Nineteenth-Century America, pp. 62-65, discusses the impact of Moll's article on Henry and the problem of conflicting claims for priority in scientific discovery between American and European scientists. [Return to text.]

4. Note that in the facsimile, punctuation was often inserted into the text in pencil. We believe this was added by Mary Henry for her planned but never completed edition of Henry's writings. In our transcription, we have omitted Mary Henry's markings. In the interest of readability, we have, however, moved Henry's experiment numbers to the left margin and italicized them. [Return to text.]

5. Henry apparently tried several of his ribbon coils and found this one to produce the best effect. He used it throughout most of the series of experiments that began here and ended on May 18. [Return to text.]

6. Henry improved this test slightly and used it again in experiment seven of the entry for May 13. [Return to text.]

7. The wire may not have been long enough, or the difference in the spark may have been too small to perceive visually. [Return to text.]

8. Henry was in London when he recorded this entry. [Return to text.]

9. Sir Charles Wheatstone (1802-1875) was professor of experimental physics in King's College, London. Dictionary of National Biography. [Return to text.]

10. The writings of English mathematician Charles Babbage (1792-1871, Dictionary of National Biography) had served as one of Henry's early models for scientific methodology and the role of the professional scientist (Henry Papers, 1: 342-343), but this was the first meeting between the men. It led to a relationship that remained warm into the 1850s. [Return to text.]

11. Benjamin Herschel Babbage (b. 1815) was the eldest of Babbage's eight children. An assistant to I. K. Brunel during the construction of the Great Western Railway, Herschel (as he was usually known) then accompanied Brunel to Italy to survey for the Genoa-Turin railway. He later became a surveyor in Australia, eventually settling there. Maboth Mosely, Irascible Genius: The Life of Charles Babbage (Chicago, 1964), pp. 126, 167, 232. [Return to text.]

12. Alexander Dallas Bache (1806-1867), one of Henry's closest friends and professional colleagues, had been elected president of the newly established Girard College for Orphans in Philadelphia. Bache spent two years abroad studying educational institutions. He and Henry spent time together in London during March and April and in Paris during July. Bache also kept a European diary, for which see Henry Papers, 3:166n-167n. Dictionary of Scientific Biography. [Return to text.]

13. Joseph Hume (1777-1855) was a former surgeon and administrator with the East India Company and the army. He had entered Parliament in 1812 as a Tory, but crossed over to the Radicals in 1818 and served as their leader for the next thirty years. Dictionary of National Biography. [Return to text.]

14. Unidentified. [Return to text.]

15. This is Babbage's analytical engine, the automatic calculating machine which resulted from his study of the punch cards used for weaving machinery. Babbage realized that the cards could be adapted for use in an advanced decimal computer. His design included a storage area, a "mill" for arithmetical operations which could handle up to one thousand numbers, and printed or punched output. Three different sets of cards were necessary for the operation of the engine: one set would supply the given numbers or constants for the particular problem; a second would direct the engine, supplying the overall program; the third set would indicate the particular arithmetical operation to be performed. The analytical engine was very impressive, but never obtained the needed financial backing. As a result, it remained on the drawing board. Dictionary of Scientific Biography; H. P. Babbage, "The Analytical Engine," Charles Babbage and his Calculating Engines,, eds. Philip and Emily Morrison (New York, 1961), pp. 331-344. [Return to text.]

16. It was around 1820 that Babbage began designing calculating engines using the calculus of finite differences. In theory he had found a practical method of reducing the drudgery of producing accurate tables. In practice, however, he failed. Partly this was due to his overambitious goals. He kept enlarging the capacity of his engine, which in turn meant higher costs. The required funds were not obtainable. But his failure to bring "Difference Engine Number One" to fruition was primarily due to his infatuation with the analytical engine. Work on the difference engine had been stopped in April 1833 and was not resumed. By the fall of 1834 Babbage had begun concentrating on the more sophisticated version of the calculating machine. Yet during Babbage's lifetime less ambitious versions of the difference engine were successfully built by others. One ended up in the Dudley Observatory in Albany, New York. Dictionary of Scientific Biography; H. P. Babbage, "Analytical Engine," p. 332; Moseley, Irascible Genius, pp. 65-81, 113-118. [Return to text.]

17. One of six children. We have uncovered no further information. [Return to text.]

18. Dionysius Lardner, "Babbage's Calculating Engine," The Edinburgh Review, 1834, 59:263-327. This highly favorable review of five of Babbage's writings on the calculating machine and two considerations of the machine by others was the first popular exposition on the subject. In it, Lardner argued for the necessity of such a machine, pointing out the importance of the accurate tables which the machine would generate. He also attempted to convince the general reader of the practicality of Babbage's concept by discussing both the mathematical principles behind it and the mechanical operation of the machine. The conclusion of the review was a history of the construction of the machine, with suggestions on reaching a rapid and successful conclusion to the project. [Return to text.]

19. This letter, in slightly emended form, appeared in the August 1, 1838, issue of the Newark Daily Advertiser under the heading "Lightning Rods." Henry must have actually written it sometime during the previous week as it is in response to an item in the issue of July 24. [Return to text.]

20. William Burnet Kinney (1799-1880) had become editor of the Newark Daily Advertiser in 1830. He was a trustee of Princeton while Henry was a professor there. Dictionary of American Biography; General Catalogue of Princeton University, 1746-1906 (Princeton, 1908), p. 21. [Return to text.]

21. The certificate to which Henry refers appeared in the Tuesday, July 24, edition and was signed by Josiah Quincy, president of Harvard; John Snelling Popkin, professor of Greek at Harvard; Charles Wells, former mayor of Boston; Elisha Bartlett, mayor of Lowell, Massachusetts; Samuel A. Eliot, mayor of Boston; John Pierpont, pastor of Hollis Street Unitarian Church; Levi Lincoln, former governor of Massachusetts; and John Downes, captain commandant, Navy Yard, Boston. According to the certificate, which was reprinted from the Dedham, Massachusetts, Advertiser, Benjamin Silliman, Sr., also endorsed the article. [Return to text.]

22. William King (d. 1839?), self-styled "Medical Electrician and Lecturer on Electricity and Galvanism," first appears in 1810 as an itinerant lecturer in North Carolina. Billing his lectures on electricity as "Rational Amusements," King made extensive use of the properties of what he termed "Electrical Fluid," illuminating portraits of Washington, shocking animals, lighting candles, and ringing bells. An additional benefit of this fluid was, according to King, medical. Among the ailments King treated by administering electricity were bruises, burns, hysteria, madness, and headaches.

King's 1825 publication, A Manual of Electricity, indicates that he possessed a good knowledge of electrical theory and was aware of recent developments in the field. A considerable portion of the book concerns lightning and the means to avoid it; also included is an extensive discussion of the medical uses of electricity.

From 1831 until 1838, King appears in Boston city directories. A notice in the Boston Atlas of April 16, 1839, advertises King's estate sale. Two electromagnets, two electromagnetic machines, illuminations (fireworks), and chemical apparatus are included in the estate of the "distinguished electrician." William King, A Manual of Electricity (Newbern, North Carolina, 1825); King, Rational Amusements (broadside, n.p., ca. 1800). [Return to text.]

23. In a report, "Instruction sur les Paratonnerres," presented to the Académie des sciences of Paris on April 23, 1823, a commission composed of Siméon-Denis Poisson, Louis Lefèvre-Gineau, Pierre-Simon Girard, Pierre Louis Dulong, Augustin Jean Fresnel, and Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac concluded that "the most advantageous form that can be given to a lightning-rod appears evidently to be that of a very sharp cone." John Farrar, Elements of Electricity, Magnetism and Electro-Magnetism (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1826), pp. 367-372.

The full report originally appeared in Annales de chimie et de physique, 1824, 2d ser. 26: 258-298. [Return to text.]

24. When Henry's letter was published, this paragraph was replaced by the paragraph at the bottom of the letter. [Return to text.]

25. Because of the subject of the letter, it is probable that Henry was using the pseudonym "F" to suggest Franklin.

In an effort to lend authority to Henry's letter, the editor followed it with the following note: "When we say this communication comes from one whose opinions are received in the world of science, if not as demonstration, at least as true prima facie, we secure for its suggestions the attention of our readers. ED." [Return to text.]

26. We are uncertain whether Henry ever provided any more scientific contributions. In 1843, however, he wrote Kinney once to ask that he not reprint a certain article and once to request that the announcement of Alexander Dallas Bache's appointment as superintendent of the Coast Survey be in the proper style. [Return to text.]

27. Henry's dispute with King over the correct configuration of lightning rods did not end with this letter. In the August 18, 1839, Newark Daily Advertiser, King replied, asking for evidence in support of Henry's statements and suggesting an experiment which would prove his point. A further rejoinder signed "F." appeared on August 24. Although an original has not been found, we presume Henry is the author of this letter. He restated his case, citing the work of Franz Achard, and claimed that King's modifications did not represent improvements. The letter ends with a proposal to submit King's apparatus for inspection by an impartial scientific society, such as the Franklin Institute of Philadelphia. [Return to text.]

28. Henry was writing in response to Morse's requests in letters to him dated January 11 and February 2, 1842. On February 8, Henry wrote Morse to apologize for his delay in responding to Morse's two requests. Henry Papers, 6:140-141, 146-147.

There are multiple versions of the letter printed here, which is from a copy in Henry's hand found in his papers. Our search has not found the original letter he sent to Morse. However, our draft is slightly unusual in that it contains Morse's name and address on the back of the second page. At least eight other copies of the letter exist which differ from this one in phrasing and spelling and are very similar to each other. Two are handwritten; one, in an unknown hand, is in the Henry Papers, Smithsonian Archives, and has an annotation by Mary Henry. Another is in Morse's hand and is in RG 233 of the National Archives, Records of the House of Representatives (27th Congress, 1841-1843, Committee Reports and Papers, 3d Session, 1842, Report No. 17). This latter copy was submitted by Morse in support of his telegraphic claims. There are also six printed copies known to us: Appendix A to House Reports, 27th Congress, 3d Session, 1842, No. 17, pp. 4-5 (reprinted in Thomas C. Cochran, ed., The New American State Papers, Science and Technology [Wilmington, 1973], 8:68-69); Carleton Mabee, The American Leonardo: A Life of Samuel F. B. Morse (1943; reprint ed., New York, 1969), pp. 249-250; A Memorial of Samuel F. B. Morse from the City of Boston (Boston, 1872), pp. 62-63; Alfred Vail, The American Electro Magnetic Telegraph... (Philadelphia, 1845), pp. 87-88; Shaffner's Telegraph Companion, 1855, 2:16-17 (in an article written by Morse); and Edward Lind Morse, ed., Samuel F. B. Morse: His Letters and Journals, 2 vols. (Boston and New York, 1914), 2:170-172. Because most of the changes from Henry's retained copy to the other eight copies consist of corrections of spelling and elevations of language, we surmise that Henry's copy was a draft, which he then altered before sending to Morse because he knew the letter would be used for public purposes. The last five printed copies were based on the first printed copy, and it was derived from Morse's handwritten version. We do believe that Morse italicized one sentence of that text (indicated in note 32, below); neither Henry's retained copy, nor the copy annotated by Mary Henry, nor the version printed by Morse's biographer-son has that sentence italicized. The latter two copies might have been made from the now lost original letter; a lack of extended emphasis was more in keeping with Henry's rather formal, restrained style; and emphasis would have been entirely in Morse's interest. [Return to text.]

29. "Princeton College" appears in all variants but one. [Return to text.]

30. All variants have "...the various chimerical projects brought before the public...." [Return to text.]

31. All variants have "I have asserted from the first that all attempts of this kind are premature; and made without a proper knowledge of scientific principles." [Return to text.]

32. All variants drop the word "the" before "science," and begin a new sentence there. All variants but two italicize this sentence through the word "application." One variant (Morse Memorial) in addition italicizes to the end of the sentence. The two variants which lack italicization are the copy annotated by Mary Henry and the Morse Letters and Journals copy. [Return to text.]

33. All variants insert "to a distance" at this point. [Return to text.]

34. All variants give "...the principal discoveries...." [Return to text.]

35. For Wheatstone's work see Henry Papers, 3:218n-219n. For Steinheil's project see C. A. von Steinheil, "Upon Telegraphic Communication, Especially by Means of Galvanism (Trans.)," Sturgeon's Annals of Electricity, Magnetism, and Chemistry, 1839, 3:439-452, 509-520. This volume is in the Henry Library, with Henry annotations.

Karl August Steinheil (1801-1870) studied natural science and astronomy at Göttingen and Königsberg. He received his Ph.D. in 1825, as a student of Bessel. At the time of Henry's writing he was a professor of mathematics and natural philosophy at Munich, where he was highly influential in the scientific life of the city. Between 1849 and 1852 he organized the telegraphic communications in Austria. He also worked extensively in optics and scientific instrumentation. Dictionary of Scientific Biography. [Return to text.]

36. Many variations of the closing exist; this is the longest and most elaborate. [Return to text.]

37. John Robert Buhler (1829-1886) was the son of a wealthy plantation owner whose estate was located near Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Alumni Files, Princeton University Archives. New Orleans Times-Democrat, May 21, 1886; John Smith Kendall, "Chronicles of a Southern Family," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, 1946, 29:284-290.

Buhler's two-volume diary, entitled "My Microscope," covers the period from October 30, 1845, through June 24, 1846, and is frequently cited in histories of Princeton such as Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker's Princeton, 1746-1896 (Princeton, 1946). [Return to text.]

38. The inhabitants of the Greek province of Boeotia were proverbially noted for their stupidity. Oxford English Dictionary. [Return to text.]

39. Joseph Henry had married Harriet Alexander (1808-1882), a first cousin, in 1830. Information on her family background is in two unpublished genealogies of the Alexander family, one by Robert Gaylord Lester and another by R. F. Meredith, in the files of the Henry Papers project; see also William H. Eldridge, Henry Genealogy: The Descendants of Samuel Henry ... and Lurana (Cady) Henry ... (Boston, 1915), pp. 128-129. [Return to text.]

40. Harriet feared that Washington was an unhealthy city and also worried about what her social status would be in the nation's capital. Henry Papers, 7:xxxi, 39-40. [Return to text.]

41. The children were William Alexander (1832-1862), Mary Anna (1834-1903), Helen Louisa (1836-1912), and Caroline (1839-1920). [Return to text.]

42. Presumably a son of Anna and John Ludlow, old friends of the Henrys from their days in Albany. Henry Papers 2:338. [Return to text.]

43. John Quincy Adams, representative from Massachusetts and former president of the United States. Henry had first met him in 1836. Adams played a major role in debates over the Smithson bequest, which he thought should be used to fund a national observatory. DAB; Henry Papers, 3:135; 6:464n. [Return to text.]

44. In his diary, Adams noted a visit from Henry, "who h[ad] a long conversation with me on the management of the Institution--very edifying." In his more formal diary, Adams noted that Henry "conversed in a very edifying manner upon the proposed management of that Establishment" but then continued: "Sunk as I have always apprehended it would be, into a nest of jobs for literary and Political adventurers." Diary entries for May 5, 1847, from "Rubbish IV" and Adams's formal diary, respectively, Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society; both are quoted in Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed., The Great Design: Two Lectures on the Smithson Bequest by John Quincy Adams (Washington, 1965), p. 30. [Return to text.]

45. An old friend from Albany. Henry Papers, 2:43n. [Return to text.]